Friday 9 August 2013

Why did "libertarian" UKIP betray LGBT people on equal marriage?


In a recent article for the Daily Telegraph (7th May 2013), the right-wing Catholic journalist, Cristina Odone, lamented David Cameron’s support for equal marriage, and made reference to UKIP’s “sensitive political antennae” that could tap in to the disaffection among supporters of traditional opposite-sex marriage for its own political gain. On this point, Mrs Odone is bang on the money: if there are cheap votes up for grabs from disaffected anti-gay social conservatives and outraged fundamentalist religionists, then UKIP seems more than willing to bracket its libertarianism when the only cost is equal rights for LGBT people.

If UKIP really were a consistently libertarian party, it would brook no discrimination against LGBT couples with regard to equal marriage. Its pretence of opposing equal marriage because of ostensible fears of European Court of Human Rights intrusion into the religious prerogative to discriminate, is vacuous nonsense. Not only is there the impenetrable barrier of the Government’s “quadruple lock” to breach: there is also the fact that the ECHR would already be intervening to force all churches to marry divorced people, or to appoint women bishops, or to host civil partnership ceremonies, if there were any legal prospect of their successfully imposing equal marriage on reluctant UK religious institutions. Clearly, it has not done so, and neither has it tried to do so in any other EU state, or to impose religious equal marriage in those EU states where civil equal marriage has already been legalised.

UKIP is opposing equal marriage for opportunistic reasons alone, and as far as I am concerned, despite my sympathy as a conservative for some of UKIP’s key positions, any party that is willing consciously, cynically and deliberately to sacrifice the equality of LGBT people, for the sake of opportunistically siphoning off anti-LGBT equality votes from another party, is behaving in an institutionally homophobic and transphobic manner.

Although the UKIP vote in the recent local elections was mostly a protest vote that will not be repeated in the 2015 general election, UKIP is still likely to benefit from the votes of anti-equal marriage social conservatives in two years’ time, and attacks on the Conservative leadership by opponents of equality such as Mrs Odone and Lord Tebbit, will only encourage this defection by social conservatives. Such people do not seem to care that splitting the conservative vote in this way will never lead to a UKIP government, and that it will only serve to increase the probability of a Labour victory in 2015, in the same way that the SDP kept Margaret Thatcher in power in the 1980s.

UKIP is, no doubt, enjoying an influx of support from social conservatives who have defected from the Conservative Party. Yet, as an occasional glance at readers’ comments beneath any Daily Telegraph online article on LGBT issues will reveal, some of the people moving across to UKIP are the very supporters whose toxic homophobic views and behaviour made the unreconstructed, unmodernised Conservative Party unelectable in 2001 and 2005.  And given the widespread and ever-increasing support for LGBT equality among the modern British electorate, anti-LGBT discrimination clearly has no electoral future at all in our country.

In her article, Mrs Odone chooses to portray David Cameron’s and George Osborne’s support for equal marriage as part of an opportunistic “long-term strategy”:

“One MP even assured me off the record that the gay marriage bill was seen as "long-term" strategy: the thinking was that young people, who overwhelmingly support gay marriage, would be converted on the spot to Conservativism.

The strategy is clearly so long-term, the party will have to wait until the 22nd century to reap its benefits ….”

What does not seem to have penetrated the resentful consciousness of Mr Cameron’s anti-equality detractors is the possibility that he and his colleagues might be sincerely committed to supporting equal marriage because it is the right and just thing to do, despite any short-term political disadvantages. Mr Cameron must have known how much opprobrium would be heaped upon him from within and without his own party for championing the entitlement of LGBT people to marry. Yet he has been absolutely determined to persevere with this commitment, despite a vitriolic personal campaign both against him and against the measure. Indeed, he declares he has done so because he regards it as the realisation of Conservative values.

The Prime Minister’s concept of Conservative values is a very different one from those who seem to identify Conservatism with homophobia, discrimination, injustice, exclusion and religious authoritarianism. His vision of Conservatism is one that is uncompromisingly inclusive for LGBT people, that does not condemn people on the basis of outdated religious dogma, and that does not deny justice and equality of opportunity, including the opportunity to participate with full equality in society’s most important institutions and in public life, merely because someone is LGBT.

I am confident that it is the Prime Minister’s concept of conservatism, and not that of Cristina Odone or the sell-out UKIP opportunists, that will find the greatest resonance with the British public. 

© Gary Powell, 2013